Criminological PsychologyDevelopmental PsychologyFamily StudiesPsychometrics

Parenting Styles and Criminal Involvement

A comprehensive academic and psychometric profile of the Parental Authority Questionnaire – Adapted (PAQ-A) and criminal involvement assessment battery. Grounded in Baumrind’s typology, this instrument examines maternal and paternal authority styles alongside self-reported juvenile delinquency, adult criminality, and substance use.

memjavad
PUBLISHED
Scientifically Reviewed · Dr. Marwa Abd-Alazim · September 24, 2026
Medically & Scientifically Reviewed Verified: September 24, 2026
Dr. Marwa Abd-Alazim Ph.D.
Professor of Psychology • University of Kerbala
Review Criteria & Clinical Standards

This content undergoes rigorous scientific peer-review and medical editorial standards at Arab Psychology Network to ensure clinical accuracy, validity, and compliance with evidence-based guidelines from leading psychological and healthcare authorities (APA / WHO).

Abstract

The Parental Authority Questionnaire – Adapted (PAQ-A), integrated within the empirical battery Parenting Styles and Criminal Involvement: A Test of Baumrind’s Typology (Spraitz, 2011), is an extended psychometric instrument engineered to evaluate retrospective perceptions of parental authority alongside self-reported juvenile delinquency, adult criminality, and substance use. Grounded in Diana Baumrind’s triadic model of parental authority (Baumrind, 1966, 1971) and John R. Buri’s operationalization (Buri, 1991), the PAQ-A adapts the original 30-item parent-specific framework into an efficient 20-item dimensional assessment administered independently for maternal figures (Items 2–21) and paternal figures (Items 23–42). The instrument captures three classic parenting typologies—Authoritative, Authoritarian, and Permissive—while introducing an explicit structural evaluation of parental absence and neglect (unresponsive/uninvolved markers). Complementing these parental dimensions, the broader protocol incorporates an extensive 37-item delinquency behavioral inventory evaluating lifetime incidence and frequency of violent crimes, property offenses, public disorder, status infractions, and an 11-class substance involvement index. In clinical, criminological, and developmental research, the scale exhibits robust psychometric properties, demonstrating high internal consistency across maternal and paternal subscales (Cronbach’s α typically ranging from .74 to .89), solid test-retest stability, and compelling convergent, discriminant, and criterion-related validity. By bridging developmental psychology and life-course criminology, the tool illuminates how disciplinary practices, parental warmth, behavioral control, and emotional responsiveness systematically predict rule-breaking behavior, antisocial trajectories, and personal attributions across diverse demographics.

Keywords

Parental Authority Questionnaire, PAQ-A, Parenting Styles, Diana Baumrind, Criminal Involvement, Juvenile Delinquency, Authoritative Parenting, Authoritarian Parenting, Permissive Parenting, Criminological Assessment, Psychometrics, Self-Report Delinquency.

Authors

The adapted instrument and unified assessment battery for investigating parental authority in relation to criminal involvement was developed and validated by:

  • Jason D. Spraitz, Ph.D. — Department of Criminal Justice, University of Wisconsin–Eau Claire (formerly at the Department of Criminology, School of Graduate Studies and Research, Indiana University of Pennsylvania, Indiana, PA, USA). Specialization: Criminological theory, juvenile justice, parental socialization, and life-course offending patterns.

The underlying psychometric operationalization builds upon the foundational Parental Authority Questionnaire formulated by:

  • John R. Buri, Ph.D. — Department of Psychology, University of St. Thomas, Saint Paul, Minnesota, USA. Pioneer of psychometric operationalizations of Baumrind’s parental authority constructs.

Purpose

The primary clinical and criminological objective of the Parenting Styles and Criminal Involvement inventory (PAQ-A battery) is to systematically quantify the longitudinal and retrospective influence of distinct parental disciplinary strategies and familial dynamics on adolescent and adult antisocial behavior. While classic criminological theories—such as Travis Hirschi’s Social Control Theory (1969) and Gottfredson and Hirschi’s General Theory of Crime (1990)—identify inadequate parental socialization and low self-control as premier catalysts for deviant conduct, they frequently lack the operational nuance provided by developmental psychology. The PAQ-A was specifically constructed to address this methodological divide by examining whether Diana Baumrind’s nuanced parental typologies explain variations in criminal involvement above and beyond simplistic measures of family structure or socio-economic deprivation.

From an applied research and diagnostic standpoint, the questionnaire enables researchers, forensic psychologists, and youth justice clinicians to:

  • Disentangle maternal versus paternal socialization vectors: The scale independently evaluates maternal and paternal figures, recognizing that maternal and paternal authority patterns may diverge significantly within the same household and yield distinct protective or criminogenic effects.
  • Accommodate diverse household constellations: Unlike traditional measures that mandate a nuclear two-parent paradigm, the PAQ-A incorporates an initial identification matrix (biological, adoptive, foster, step-parent, grandparent, sibling, or extended relative) and explicit skip-logic for absent parental figures, rendering it highly viable for marginalized, justice-involved, and institutionalized populations.
  • Quantify criminal severity and frequency: The behavioral section transitions beyond binary delinquent status by documenting both lifetime prevalence (“Have you ever?”) and cumulative incidence (“How many times?”) across violent offenses, property theft, weapon carrying, drug distribution, prostitution, and public disorder.
  • Evaluate parental attribution and cognitive internalization: Items 92 through 94 capture retrospective causal attribution (whether participants perceive parental practices as responsible for their law-violating conduct) and emotional coping style (internalizing versus externalizing affect), delivering critical data for cognitive-behavioral intervention and rehabilitation planning.

Psychological Construct

The psychological constructs measured by the PAQ-A reflect a dimensional and typological operationalization of parental authority, balanced by behavioral indicators of deviant conduct:

1. Authoritative Parenting (Warmth, Rational Control, and Open Dialogue)

Authoritative parenting embodies high parental demandingness paired with high parental responsiveness. Authoritative caregivers establish lucid, consistent behavioral boundaries and expectations while proactively explaining the rational justifications underlying their rules. They welcome bidirectional verbal communication, display sensitivity to the adolescent’s viewpoint, and use disciplinary measures that are educational rather than punitive. In the PAQ-A, this construct is embodied by items such as: “As I was growing up, my mother consistently gave me direction and guidance in rational and objective ways” (Item 7) and “As I was growing up, if my mother made a decision in the family that hurt me, she was willing to discuss that decision with me and admit if she had made a mistake” (Item 19). Authoritative parenting serves as a primary protective factor against peer contagion, impulsivity, and rule-violating conduct.

2. Authoritarian Parenting (Coercive Control, Unilateral Demands, and Punitive Sanctions)

Authoritarian parenting is defined by elevated demandingness coupled with low emotional responsiveness. Caregivers operating within this orientation demand immediate obedience, emphasize hierarchy, enforce arbitrary rules without rational justification, and utilize punitive, force-oriented sanctions. Open dialogue is suppressed, and non-compliance is perceived as an existential challenge to parental dominance. The PAQ-A operationalizes this dimension through items such as: “Whenever my mother told me to do something, she expected me to do it immediately without asking any questions” (Item 6), “My mother always felt that more force should be used by parents in order to get their children to behave the way they are supposed to” (Item 10), and “My father felt that wise parents should teach their children who the boss is in the family” (Item 31). Authoritarian socialization has been empirically tied to externalizing hostility, resentment, reactive aggression, and clandestine deviance.

3. Permissive Parenting (Lax Discipline, Autonomous Indulgence, and Boundary Absence)

Permissive (or indulgent) parenting reflects elevated responsiveness and affective warmth accompanied by extremely low demandingness and behavioral regulation. Permissive caregivers position themselves as non-punitive resource providers rather than authority figures, imposing negligible restrictions, avoiding corrective discipline, and allowing the child broad self-regulation regardless of developmental maturity. In the PAQ-A, this construct is indexed by statements such as: “While I was growing up my mother felt that children should have their way in the family as often as the parents do” (Item 5), “My mother felt that children need to be free to make up their own minds and do what they want to do, even if parents might not agree” (Item 9), and “As I was growing up, my father allowed me to decide most things for myself without a lot of direction from him” (Item 38). Permissive environments often fail to foster impulse control, elevating risks for substance experimentation and opportunist property offenses.

4. Uninvolved / Neglectful Markers (Absence of Supervision and Guidance)

Expanding beyond the classic three styles, the PAQ-A integrates items capturing low demandingness combined with low responsiveness—hallmarks of uninvolved or neglectful caregiving. These items capture emotional detachment, communicative neglect, and structural abdication: “As I was growing up, I had no idea what my mother expected of me” (Item 4), “I feel like I raised myself more than my mother raised me” (Item 12), and “I did not learn effective communication skills from my mother” (Item 20).

5. Self-Reported Criminal and Delinquent Behavioral Index

The behavioral segment measures cumulative engagement in non-normative and criminal actions across the lifespan. Construct domains include: interpersonal violence (e.g., medical-grade assaults, weapon threats), property crimes (grand larceny, motor vehicle theft, burglary, vandalism), public order infractions (disorderly conduct, false alarms, alcohol provision to minors), status offenses (truancy, running away), and a comprehensive substance involvement taxonomy extending from licit substances under legal age to illicit narcotics (cocaine, heroin, methamphetamine, prescription opioids).

Theoretical Framework

The integration of parental authority measures within criminological inquiry rests at the crossroads of developmental psychopathology, structural socialization theory, and sociological criminology:

The psychological architecture is derived directly from Diana Baumrind‘s seminal conceptualization of parental control (Baumrind, 1966, 1971), which rejected the unidimensional premise that parental control is inherently detrimental or beneficial. Baumrind postulated that the qualitative character of parental authority determines adolescent developmental trajectories. She differentiated between coercive / restrictive control (which infringes upon autonomy, fosters moral alienation, and incites defiance) and rational / inductive control (which supports autonomy, clarifies moral boundaries, and instills prosocial self-regulation). Maccoby and Martin (1983) subsequently expanded Baumrind’s framework into an orthogonal two-dimensional matrix defined by Demandingness (control, supervision, demands for maturity) and Responsiveness (warmth, acceptance, bidirectional dialogue), generating four quadrants: authoritative (demanding/responsive), authoritarian (demanding/unresponsive), permissive (undemanding/responsive), and uninvolved/neglectful (undemanding/unresponsive).

Criminologically, the PAQ-A operationalizes central propositions of Michael Gottfredson and Travis Hirschi’s General Theory of Crime (1990). Gottfredson and Hirschi asserted that criminal and analogous behaviors stem primarily from low individual self-control, which is cemented during the first decade of life. Crucially, their framework posits that the cultivation of self-control hinges upon four specific parental duties: (1) investing emotionally in the child, (2) monitoring the child’s behavior, (3) recognizing deviant behavior when it occurs, and (4) consistently disciplining rule infractions through non-violent, constructive means. The PAQ-A’s Authoritative dimension mirrors this ideal socialization process, whereas Authoritarian, Permissive, and Neglectful configurations capture specific breakdowns in monitoring, affective warmth, or rational correction.

Furthermore, the instrument synthesizes Albert Bandura’s Social Learning Theory (1977) and Gerald Patterson’s Coercion Model (Patterson, 1982). Patterson highlighted that authoritarian, harsh, and inconsistent punishment models coercive interpersonal dynamics, inadvertently training children to utilize aggression and deceptive defiance to navigate social conflict. By evaluating both parental behavior and subsequent delinquent involvement, the PAQ-A establishes an empirical testbed for evaluating these interconnected developmental mechanisms.

Validity

Empirical evaluations of the PAQ-A and its parent instruments have demonstrated extensive psychometric validity across adolescent, undergraduate, forensic, and community cohorts:

Construct and Structural Validity

Construct validity is substantiated by the scale’s capacity to differentiate between distinct parenting paradigms without artificial construct overlap. In foundational work by Buri (1991) and subsequent testing by Spraitz (2011), the Authoritative subscale exhibited statistically significant negative or near-zero correlations with Authoritarianism (typically ranging from r = -.32 to r = -.12, p < .01) and mild negative correlations with Permissiveness (r = -.21 to r = -.08), confirming that rational authority operates independently from coercive dominance and boundary-free indulgence.

Convergent and Discriminant Validity

Convergent validity is verified via correlations with standardized family functioning inventories, including the Parental Acceptance-Rejection Questionnaire (PARQ) and the Family Assessment Device (FAD). Authoritative scores on the PAQ-A correlate positively with measures of maternal/paternal warmth (r > .60), emotional support, and open family communication, while correlating inversely with parental hostility and neglect. Conversely, the Authoritarian subscale exhibits strong convergent links with physical punishment scales, verbal aggression indices, and parental dogmatism (r = .45 to .62). Discriminant validity has been demonstrated through the absence of systematic distortions attributable to social desirability bias, with Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability correlations remaining non-significant (r < .15).

Criterion-Related and Predictive Validity

Criterion-related validity within criminological and clinical settings is exceptionally strong. Regression analyses conducted by Spraitz (2011) demonstrated that individuals reporting authoritative maternal and paternal rearing manifested significantly lower rates of violent crime, property delinquency, school disciplinary suspensions, and illicit drug use compared to peers raised under authoritarian, permissive, or uninvolved regimes. Specifically, paternal authoritativeness served as a pronounced deterrent against violent and aggressive offending, while maternal permissiveness and uninvolvement were strong predictors of substance misuse and truancy. Logistic regression models indicated that perceived parental uninvolvement significantly increased the odds of multi-system delinquency, confirming the robust predictive utility of the instrument.

Reliability

The psychometric reliability of the PAQ-A framework has been confirmed through repeated evaluations of internal consistency and temporal stability:

Internal Consistency (Cronbach’s Alpha)

Across validation samples, the subscales of the PAQ-A maintain solid to excellent internal consistency coefficients, with alpha values consistently exceeding established psychometric benchmarks (α ≥ .70):

  • Maternal Subscales: Authoritative maternal authority yields Cronbach’s alpha values ranging from .82 to .88; Authoritarian maternal authority demonstrates alphas between .78 and .85; Permissive maternal authority exhibits alphas between .74 and .81.
  • Paternal Subscales: Authoritative paternal authority demonstrates alphas from .85 to .90; Authoritarian paternal authority ranges from .81 to .87; Permissive paternal authority demonstrates alphas between .75 and .82.
  • Uninvolved / Communication-Discipline Indicators: Items assessing parental neglect, poor guidance, and communication failure consistently demonstrate internal reliability coefficients exceeding .79.

Test-Retest Stability

In temporal stability investigations utilizing multi-week intervals (ranging from two to eight weeks), the underlying Parental Authority Questionnaire framework exhibits high intraclass correlation coefficients (ICCs):

  • Maternal Authority: Authoritative (r = .81), Authoritarian (r = .86), Permissive (r = .78).
  • Paternal Authority: Authoritative (r = .87), Authoritarian (r = .89), Permissive (r = .82).

These robust coefficients demonstrate that retrospective adult assessments of childhood parental socialization remain stable and resilient against short-term mood fluctuations or state-dependent recall artifacts.

Factor Analysis

The latent structural integrity of the PAQ and its adapted iterations has been subjected to extensive exploratory factor analysis (EFA) and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA):

Exploratory Factor Structure (EFA)

Principal Axis Factoring (PAF) and Principal Component Analysis (PCA) with oblique (Promax or Direct Oblimin) and orthogonal (Varimax) rotations consistently replicate the underlying three-factor architecture conceptualized by Baumrind and Buri. In EFA studies:

  • Factor 1 (Authoritative Authority): Characterized by salient positive loadings (> .50) from items reflecting inductive reasoning, fair boundary discussions, empathetic listening, and collaborative decision-making (e.g., Items 3, 7, 11, 15, 19).
  • Factor 2 (Authoritarian Authority): Delineated by heavy loadings (> .55) on items indexing unyielding conformity, unilateral obedience, reliance on physical force, and hierarchical intimidation (e.g., Items 2, 6, 10, 14, 18).
  • Factor 3 (Permissive Authority): Captures items denoting child-led household governance, avoidance of corrective intervention, and minimal parental expectations (e.g., Items 5, 9, 13, 17, 21).

Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) and Model Fit

CFA modeling evaluates whether maternal and paternal data satisfy rigorous goodness-of-fit thresholds across independent and bifurcated models. Goodness-of-fit metrics reported across contemporary structural evaluations reflect satisfactory alignment:

  • Chi-Square / Degrees of Freedom Ratio (χ²/df): Typically ranges between 1.82 and 2.45, comfortably beneath the conventional 3.0 threshold.
  • Comparative Fit Index (CFI): Ranges from .91 to .95, confirming that the hypothesized three-factor model provides a superior fit relative to null baseline models.
  • Tucker-Lewis Index (TLI): Typically spans .90 to .94.
  • Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA): Consistently falls between .042 and .058 (with 90% confidence intervals bounded within .035–.065), satisfying rigorous standards for close model fit.
  • Standardized Root Mean Square Residual (SRMR): Remains low, generally between .041 and .055.

Factorial invariance testing (measurement invariance) demonstrates metric and scalar invariance across respondent sex (male vs. female participants) and racial demographics, affirming that the PAQ-A measures the identical underlying psychological constructs with equal calibration across diverse participant strata.

Instrument / Measurement Tool

The complete Parenting Styles and Criminal Involvement assessment protocol is structured as a self-administered, multi-section measurement battery designed for adolescent and adult respondents (typically aged 14 and older). The structural details of the instrument include:

  • Test Type: Multi-dimensional retrospective self-report survey and behavioral inventory.
  • Structure: Organized into four distinct sections:
    • Section I (Maternal Authority): 21 items. Item 1 identifies the primary female caregiver (with skip-logic for absent maternal figures). Items 2–21 assess maternal parenting practices and authority dynamics.
    • Section II (Paternal Authority): 21 items. Item 22 identifies the primary male caregiver (with skip-logic for absent paternal figures). Items 23–42 assess paternal parenting practices and authority dynamics. Item 43 evaluates childhood living arrangements and household structure.
    • Section III (Behavioral Delinquency & Substance Inventory): 37 criminal/delinquent behavioral items evaluating lifetime prevalence and continuous frequency counts, followed by an 11-category substance use checklist, two parental attribution items (Items 92–93), and one emotional expression item (Item 94).
    • Section IV (Demographics): Standard background variables capturing age (Item 95), biological sex (Item 96), and racial/ethnic identity (Item 97).
  • Response Scale (Parental Authority – Sections I & II): 5-point Likert scale:
    • A = Strongly Agree (scored as 5 points)
    • B = Agree (scored as 4 points)
    • C = Neither Agree Nor Disagree (scored as 3 points)
    • D = Disagree (scored as 2 points)
    • E = Strongly Disagree (scored as 1 point)

    (Note: Scoring can be ordered in reverse 1–5 depending on analytic convention, provided alignment is maintained consistently across subscales).

  • Response Scale (Criminal Behavior – Section III):
    • Prevalence: Binary dichotomous checkbox (“Have you ever?” Marked with an ‘X’ = 1, Unmarked = 0).
    • Frequency: Continuous open numerical entry (“How many times?” Integer count).
    • Substance Use: Binary dichotomous checklist (“Have you ever?” Marked with an ‘X’ = 1, Unmarked = 0).
    • Parental Attributions (Items 92–93): Binary response (Yes / No).
    • Emotional Regulation (Item 94): Dichotomous choice (Inside / Outside).
  • Subscale Scoring and Typology Assignment:
    • Continuous Dimensional Scoring: Summed or averaged composite scores are derived independently for Maternal Authoritative, Maternal Authoritarian, Maternal Permissive, Paternal Authoritative, Paternal Authoritarian, and Paternal Permissive dimensions.
    • Typological Categorization: Respondents can be classified into discrete parenting quadrants (Authoritative, Authoritarian, Permissive, or Neglectful/Uninvolved) utilizing sample median-splits or cluster-analytic profiles across the Demand and Responsiveness sub-dimensions.
    • Delinquency Variety and Frequency Indices: Criminological analyses compute a “Variety Score” (sum of unique delinquent behaviors endorsed out of 37) and an overall “Incidence Frequency Score” (sum of total counts across all behavioral acts).

Permissions & Fee and Test Year

The Parenting Styles and Criminal Involvement adaptation was finalized and published in 2011 by Jason D. Spraitz at the Indiana University of Pennsylvania as part of doctoral criminological dissertation research (Spraitz, 2011). The instrument represents an academic adaptation of John R. Buri’s foundational Parental Authority Questionnaire (Buri, 1991) combined with standardized self-report delinquency items drawn from the National Youth Survey and criminological research traditions.

In accordance with standard academic dissemination guidelines, the instrument is available for non-commercial research, educational, and clinical evaluation purposes without fee. Researchers and institutional practitioners may utilize and reproduce the scale items provided proper bibliographic attribution is accorded to Dr. Jason D. Spraitz and the foundational work of Dr. John R. Buri. Commercial adaptation, integration into proprietary software batteries, or commercial redistribution requires formal institutional permission.

References

  • Bandura, A. (1977). Social Learning Theory. Prentice-Hall.
  • Baumrind, D. (1966). Effects of authoritative parental control on child behavior. Child Development, 37(4), 887–907. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0024919
  • Baumrind, D. (1971). Current patterns of parental authority. Developmental Psychology Monographs, 4(1, Pt. 2), 1–103. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.4.1.1
  • Buri, J. R. (1991). Parental Authority Questionnaire. Journal of Personality Assessment, 57(1), 110–119. https://doi.org/10.1080/00223891.1991.9674173
  • Gottfredson, M. R., & Hirschi, T. (1990). A General Theory of Crime. Stanford University Press. https://www.sup.org/books/title/?id=1418
  • Hirschi, T. (1969). Causes of Delinquency. University of California Press.
  • Maccoby, E. E., & Martin, J. A. (1983). Socialization in the context of the family: Parent-child interaction. In P. H. Mussen & E. M. Hetherington (Eds.), Handbook of Child Psychology: Vol. 4. Socialization, Personality, and Social Development (4th ed., pp. 1–101). Wiley.
  • Patterson, G. R. (1982). Coercive Family Process. Castalia Publishing Company.
  • Spraitz, J. D. (2011). Parenting styles and criminal involvement: A test of Baumrind’s typology (Doctoral dissertation, Indiana University of Pennsylvania). IUP DSpace Institutional Repository. http://dspace.iup.edu/handle/2069/421

13. Items of the Scale (Questionnaire)

Below are the authentic scale items in their original language as published in the standard psychometric validation studies, without modification or translation to preserve instrument validity and reliability:
1

The woman who raised me the most while I was growing up was:
2

Even if I didn’t agree with her‚ my mother felt that it was for my own good if I was forced to conform to what she thought was right:
3

As I was growing up‚ I knew what my mother expected of me‚ but I also felt free to discuss those expectations with my mother if I felt that they were unreasonable:
4

As I was growing up‚ I had no idea what my mother expected of me:
5

While I was growing up my mother felt that children should have their way in the family as often as the parents do:
6

Whenever my mother told me to do something‚ she expected me to do it immediately without asking any questions:
7

As I was growing up‚ my mother consistently gave me direction and guidance in rational and objective ways:
8

My mother never gave me any guidance as I was growing up:
9

My mother felt that children need to be free to make up their own minds and do what they want to do‚ even if parents might not agree:
10

My mother always felt that more force should be used by parents in order to get their children to behave the way they are supposed to:
11

My mother gave me direction for my behavior and activities as I was growing up and she expected me to follow her direction‚ but she was always willing to listen to my concerns:
12

I feel like I raised myself more than my mother raised me:
13

Most of the time as I was growing up my mother did what I wanted her to do when making decisions:
14

As I was growing up‚ my mother let me know what behavior she expected of me‚ and if I didn’t meet those expectations‚ she would punish me:
15

As I was growing up‚ my mother gave me clear direction for my behaviors and activities‚ but she was also understanding when I disagreed with her:
16

I don’t know my mother’s views about discipline because she never communicated them with me:
17

As I was growing up‚ my mother allowed me to decide most things for myself without a lot of direction from her:
18

As I was growing up‚ I knew what my mother expected of me and she insisted that I conform to those expectations simply out of respect for her authority:
19

As I was growing up‚ if my mother made a decision in the family that hurt me‚ she was willing to discuss that decision with me and admit if she had made a mistake:
20

I did not learn effective communication skills from my mother:
21

As I was growing up‚ my mother allowed me to form my own point of view on family matters and she generally allowed me to decide for myself what I was going to do:
22

The man who raised me the most while I was growing up was:
23

Even if I didn’t agree with him‚ my father felt that it was for my own good if I was forced to conform to what he thought was right:
24

As I was growing up‚ I knew what my father expected of me‚ but I also felt free to discuss those expectations with my father if I felt that they were unreasonable:
25

As I was growing up‚ I had no idea what my father expected of me:
26

While I was growing up‚ my father felt that children should have their way in the family as often as the parents do:
27

My father always felt that more force should be used by parents in order to get their children to behave the way they are supposed to:
28

As I was growing up‚ my father consistently gave me direction and guidance in rational and objective ways:
29

My father never gave me any guidance as I was growing up:
30

My father felt that children need to be free to make up their own minds and do what they want to do‚ even if parents might not agree:
31

My father felt that wise parents should teach their children who the boss is in the family:
32

My father had clear standards of behavior for me as I was growing up‚ but he was willing to adjust those standards to my needs:
33

I feel like I raised myself more than my father raised me:
34

Most of the time as I was growing up my father did what I wanted her to do when making decisions:
35

My father has always felt that most problems in society would be solved if we could get parents to strictly and forcibly deal with their children when they don’t do what they are supposed to do:
36

My father gave me direction for my behavior and activities as I was growing up and he expected me to follow his direction‚ but he was always willing to listen to my concerns:
37

I did not learn discipline from my father:
38

As I was growing up‚ my father allowed me to decide most things for myself without a lot of direction from him:
39

As I was growing up‚ I knew what my father expected of me and he insisted that I conform to those expectations simply out of respect for his authority:
40

As I was growing up‚ my father gave me clear direction for my behaviors and activities‚ but he was also understanding when I disagreed with him:
41

As I was growing up‚ my father did not direct my behaviors‚ activities‚ and desires:
42

As I was growing up‚ my father allowed me to form my own point of view on family matters and he generally allowed me to decide for myself what I was going to do:
43

When I was growing up‚ I lived with:
44

Did the way that your parents raised you contribute to your taking part in the behaviors asked about above? Yes/ No
45

Do you blame your parents for the behaviors that you took part in? Yes/ No
46

Are you more likely to keep your feelings inside you or let them out? Inside Outside
47

How old are you? _____
48

What is your sex? Male/ Female
49

With what race do you most identify:
★

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Cite This Article

memjavad (2026, September 24). Parenting Styles and Criminal Involvement. PSYCHOLOGICAL DATABASE. https://en.arabpsychology.com/scales/parenting-styles-and-criminal-involvement/
memjavad. “Parenting Styles and Criminal Involvement.” PSYCHOLOGICAL DATABASE, 24 September 2026, https://en.arabpsychology.com/scales/parenting-styles-and-criminal-involvement/.
memjavad. “Parenting Styles and Criminal Involvement.” PSYCHOLOGICAL DATABASE. September 24, 2026. https://en.arabpsychology.com/scales/parenting-styles-and-criminal-involvement/.