Abstract
The Revised Generalized Ethnocentrism Scale (GENE) is an established psychometric instrument designed to assess generalized ethnocentrism—the universal psychological tendency of individuals to position their own cultural or ethnic group at the center of the world, evaluating all other cultural groups, customs, practices, and values against the normative standards established by their own culture. Originally conceptualized and developed by intercultural communication scholars James W. Neuliep and James C. McCroskey (1997) and subsequently refined through psychometric validation by Neuliep (2002), the GENE scale was constructed to overcome the historical Western and country-specific biases embedded in early ethnocentrism inventories (such as the United States Ethnocentrism Scale). Administered via a standard five-point Likert-type response format ranging from 1 (Strongly Disagree) to 5 (Strongly Agree), the instrument captures core cognitive, affective, and behavioral dispositions toward cultural out-groups. The operational score typically incorporates 15 core evaluative items (alongside selected filler items designed to attenuate response bias and demand characteristics), exhibiting robust psychometric properties across diverse geopolitical and cultural cohorts. Internal consistency estimates routinely range from Cronbach’s alpha (α) = .82 to .92, with comprehensive exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses supporting a dominant, robust unidimensional core of cultural evaluation and out-group derogation. The GENE scale serves as a vital diagnostic and predictive tool across cross-cultural psychology, intercultural communication research, international education, diversity management, and organizational readiness assessments.
Keywords
ethnocentrism, Generalized Ethnocentrism Scale, GENE, intercultural communication, out-group derogation, in-group favoritism, cross-cultural psychology, James W. Neuliep, James C. McCroskey, social identity theory, cultural evaluation, psychometrics
Authors
The Generalized Ethnocentrism Scale was developed through the collaborative scholarship of two prominent figures in the field of human communication and cross-cultural psychometrics:
- James W. Neuliep, Ph.D. — Professor Emeritus of Communication at St. Norbert College (De Pere, Wisconsin, USA). Dr. Neuliep is a leading authority on intercultural communication, intercultural communication apprehension, and cross-cultural relational development. He has authored foundational textbooks in the field, including Intercultural Communication: A Contextual Approach, and conducted extensive cross-national validation research across North America, Europe, and Asia.
- James C. McCroskey, Ed.D. (1938–2012) — Former Professor and Chair of Communication Studies at West Virginia University and later University of Alabama at Birmingham. Dr. McCroskey was one of the most prolific psychometricians and researchers in the discipline of communication studies, widely recognized for developing foundational measurement instruments such as the Personal Report of Communication Apprehension (PRCA-24) and the Willingness to Communicate (WTC) scale.
Purpose
The primary purpose of the Revised Generalized Ethnocentrism Scale (GENE) is to provide a culture-neutral, psychometrically rigorous, and universally applicable instrument to quantify ethnocentrism across any national, ethnic, or subcultural demographic. Prior to the late 1990s, the empirical measurement of ethnocentrism was predominantly reliant on tools calibrated to specific national contexts—most notably the United States Ethnocentrism (USE) scale, the California Ethnocentrism Scale (Adorno et al., 1950), or instruments conflating ethnocentrism with specific localized racial or ethnic prejudices. Such scales lacked utility in cross-cultural comparative research, as their item wording directly referenced specific domestic institutions, policies, or out-groups.
Neuliep and McCroskey developed the GENE scale to disentangle the fundamental psychological construct of ethnocentrism from idiosyncratic nationalist sentiment. Ethnocentrism, in its purest psychological definition, operates as a universal perceptual filter through which individuals view their own in-group as virtuous, superior, and standard, while viewing out-groups as inferior, backward, or atypical. The GENE scale achieves universal applicability by employing decontextualized, culture-free referents (e.g., “my culture,” “other cultures”), allowing the scale to be administered across any global population without requiring structural item modifications.
From an applied and empirical standpoint, the GENE serves several critical functions:
- Predictive Research in Intercultural Communication: The scale is widely used to assess barriers to effective intercultural communication. Elevated GENE scores consistently predict heightened intercultural communication apprehension, reduced willingness to communicate with culturally dissimilar others, and lower intercultural communication competence.
- International Education and Study Abroad Evaluation: Academic institutions utilize the scale as a pre-test/post-test diagnostic metric to assess the efficacy of international immersion programs, global experiential learning, and cultural diversity coursework in de-escalating in-group chauvinism.
- Organizational and Expatriate Readiness: Multinational corporations, non-governmental humanitarian organizations, and diplomatic services deploy the instrument to evaluate personnel readiness for international deployments, cross-cultural negotiations, and global team integration.
- Sociopolitical and Intergroup Dynamics: Political psychologists and sociologists utilize the GENE scale to model the cognitive and ideological determinants of xenophobia, support for isolationist foreign policies, and resistance to immigration.
Psychological Construct
The psychological construct measured by the GENE scale is generalized ethnocentrism. The concept originates in the foundational anthropological and sociological treatise of William Graham Sumner (1906), who defined ethnocentrism as the “technical name for this view of things in which one’s own group is the center of everything, and all others are scaled and rated with reference to it.” Ethnocentrism represents an adaptive evolutionary phenomenon characterized by two concurrent, structurally linked orientations: in-group favoritism (allocating positive attributes, trust, and moral superiority to the in-group) and out-group derogation (perceiving cultural out-groups as flawed, backwards, untrustworthy, or subordinate).
Rather than functioning merely as explicit racial prejudice or xenophobic hostility, ethnocentrism operates as a profound epistemic and normative lens. It manifests across three primary psychological dimensions:
1. Evaluative Chauvinism and Moral Centrality
This dimension reflects the cognitive assumption that the values, customs, familial structures, and social practices of the in-group represent the pinnacle of civilized human development. Individuals scoring high on this dimension do not merely express pride in their cultural heritage; they deem their cultural lifestyle as objectively superior to alternatives. In-group practices are naturalized as the universal baseline of “virtue” and “correctness,” while out-group traditions are judged as strange, deficient, or aberrant.
2. Universal Role-Modeling and Prescriptive Superiority
Beyond passive self-congratulation, generalized ethnocentrism entails an active prescriptive orientation: the conviction that other cultures ought to conform to the norms and governance systems of the individual’s in-group. High-ethnocentric individuals subscribe to the premise that people in other cultures “would be happier” and “smarter” if they adopted the lifestyle, economic models, and worldview of the respondent’s culture. This dimension captures cultural paternalism and neo-imperialist attitudes.
3. Cultural Closure and Out-Group Avoidance
The behavioral and affective manifestations of ethnocentrism involve an active disinterest in, or overt discomfort with, cultural out-groups. Highly ethnocentric individuals exhibit low openness to intercultural exchange, express reluctance to cooperate with culturally dissimilar peers, view out-group behaviors as irrational, and demonstrate heightened distrust toward cultural out-group members. This component serves as a psychological defense mechanism designed to preserve in-group purity and cognitive certainty.
Theoretical Framework
The theoretical architecture of the Revised Generalized Ethnocentrism Scale is grounded primarily in Social Identity Theory (SIT), articulated by Henri Tajfel and John Turner (1979, 1986), complemented by William Graham Sumner’s functionalist theory of intergroup differentiation and Marilynn Brewer’s (1999) dual-process theory of social categorization.
Social Identity Theory and Social Comparison
According to Social Identity Theory, an individual’s self-concept is substantially derived from perceived membership in relevant social and cultural collectives. To achieve and maintain positive self-esteem, individuals engage in continuous social comparison between their in-group and salient out-groups. Positive social identity requires that the in-group be established as positively distinct from out-groups. Ethnocentrism represents the psychological institutionalization of this process: by constructing the in-group as superior, virtuous, and the universal standard of lifestyle and morality, the individual bolsters their own psychological security and self-worth.
Sumner’s Evolutionary and In-Group Cohesion Hypothesis
Sumner (1906) argued that ethnocentrism served an adaptive evolutionary function during human history. In ancestral environments characterized by intergroup competition for scarce resources, high in-group loyalty paired with immediate suspicion of out-groups maximized group survival and internal cohesion (“a differentiation between ourselves, the we-group, and everybody else, the others-groups”). However, in modern, globally interconnected societies, this deeply ingrained evolutionary heuristic manifests as cultural intolerance, miscommunication, and communicative paralysis.
The Intercultural Communication Competence Model
Neuliep and McCroskey integrated these sociological and socio-psychological models into communication theory, particularly within Gudykunst’s Anxiety/Uncertainty Management (AUM) Theory. When ethnocentric individuals encounter cultural out-groups, the perceptual discrepancy between “our normal way” and “their strange way” triggers acute uncertainty and attributional anxiety. To avoid cognitive dissonance, the ethnocentric actor devalues the out-group, pathologizes their behavior, and erects psychological barriers to communication, resulting in diminished intercultural competence and escalated intercultural conflict.
Validity
Extensive empirical investigations have established the construct, criterion, convergent, and discriminant validity of the GENE scale across varied geographical, linguistic, and cultural settings.
Construct and Factorial Validity
In their initial development study, Neuliep and McCroskey (1997) evaluated 28 candidate items on a sample of 254 undergraduate students, subjecting them to exploratory factor analysis. A dominant single evaluative factor accounted for the primary variance. Neuliep (2002) cross-validated the instrument in a systematic multi-study investigation across diverse student and non-student samples ($N = 384$), corroborating the structural stability of the operational 15 scored items. The items load cleanly onto a general ethnocentrism dimension, confirming that generalized cultural superiority and out-group devaluation cohere as a single psychological construct.
Convergent Validity
Convergent validity has been repeatedly demonstrated through significant correlations with theoretically related socio-psychological constructs:
- Intercultural Communication Apprehension: Neuliep and McCroskey (1997) documented a robust positive correlation ($r = .35$ to $.45, p < .001$) between GENE scores and the Personal Report of Intercultural Communication Apprehension (PRICA), demonstrating that higher ethnocentrism corresponds directly with greater anxiety regarding cultural exchange.
- Prejudice and Dogmatism: GENE scores correlate positively with generalized prejudice scales ($r > .50$), authoritarianism (Right-Wing Authoritarianism; $r = .42$), and cognitive dogmatism, verifying its alignment with rigid epistemic closure.
- Sociocultural Relativism (Negative): Significant inverse correlations ($r = -.52, p < .001$) are observed between the GENE scale and measures of cultural relativism and global mindedness.
Discriminant Validity
Discriminant validity is supported by minimal or non-significant correlations with generalized communication apprehension in intra-cultural contexts (e.g., standard public speaking or dyadic communication with in-group peers; $r < .15$), cognitive intelligence, and baseline self-esteem. This establishes that the GENE measures a specific intergroup orientation rather than generalized social anxiety, neuroticism, or general communicative deficit.
Cross-Cultural Predictive Validity
The scale has demonstrated strong predictive validity across non-Western cohorts. In comparative research conducted by Neuliep, Chaudhry, and Defry (2001) and Neuliep, Hintz, and McCroskey (2005) comparing cohorts in the United States, Japan, China, and Romania, GENE scores reliably predicted negative evaluations of intercultural dialogue partners, decreased perceptions of partner attractiveness, and diminished willingness to initiate cross-cultural contact.
Reliability
The Generalized Ethnocentrism Scale demonstrates consistently high internal consistency and temporal stability across diverse populations and translation adaptations.
Internal Consistency
Across empirical research, the internal consistency (measured via Cronbach’s alpha) of the scored 15 items on the GENE scale routinely exceeds conventional psychometric thresholds:
- In the initial validation study by Neuliep and McCroskey (1997), the scale yielded an internal reliability coefficient of α = .82 for the generalized measure and α = .92 for the US-specific counterpart.
- Neuliep (2002), in an extensive reassessment across multiple independent samples, reported Cronbach’s alpha coefficients ranging between α = .83 and α = .90.
- Cross-cultural investigations have confirmed comparable internal consistency coefficients: α = .82 among Japanese samples (Neuliep et al., 2001), α = .86 in Romanian cohorts, α = .85 in Korean adaptations, and α = .88 in Australian university samples.
Test-Retest Reliability
Temporal stability assessments over intervals of two to four weeks have yielded test-retest reliability coefficients ranging from $r_{tt} = .78$ to $.84$, indicating that generalized ethnocentrism functions as a stable psychological trait rather than a transient, state-dependent affective mood, while remaining sufficiently responsive to measure longitudinal changes induced by extended immersive intercultural training.
Factor Analysis
The factor structure of the Generalized Ethnocentrism Scale has been scrutinized using both Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) and Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA).
Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA)
In the seminal 1997 studies, principal components analysis (PCA) with unrotated and orthogonal (Varimax) rotations revealed that the scored items loaded substantially on a primary factor accounting for over 35%–42% of the total variance, characterized by an eigenvalue substantially greater than subsequent factors (typically $> 4.5$). The factor loading pattern across the 15 operational items demonstrated strong coefficients, with primary evaluative items loading between $.45$ and $.78$. While initial exploratory models sometimes separate items into two sub-clusters (in-group superiority vs. out-group derogation), these two components are so highly correlated ($r > .65$) that Neuliep and McCroskey recommended treating the instrument as fundamentally unidimensional.
Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA)
Subsequent structural equation modeling and CFA evaluations (Neuliep, 2002) tested both single-factor and hierarchical models. A unidimensional model incorporating error covariance between identically valenced (reverse-coded) items demonstrated acceptable-to-excellent fit indices:
- Comparative Fit Index (CFI): $.91 – .95$
- Tucker-Lewis Index (TLI): $.90 – .93$
- Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA): $.052 – .068$ (90% CI: $[.044, .076]$)
- Standardized Root Mean Square Residual (SRMR): $.048 – .058$
CFA studies in multilingual cohorts confirm that the single-factor generalized model holds cross-culturally, establishing metric and partial scalar invariance across diverse national cohorts.
Instrument / Measurement Tool
The Generalized Ethnocentrism Scale is a self-report paper-and-pencil or digital psychometric instrument. Psychometricians and administrators should observe the following structural and scoring specifications:
- Instrument Type: Self-administered psychometric questionnaire.
- Item Inventory: The full published inventory consists of 22 items. Within this pool, 15 core items measure the active ethnocentrism construct, while selected additional items serve as cognitive buffers/fillers to reduce social desirability response biases.
- Response Scale: Five-point Likert-type scale scored as follows:
- 1 = Strongly Disagree
- 2 = Disagree
- 3 = Neutral
- 4 = Agree
- 5 = Strongly Agree
- Administration Time: Approximately 5 to 10 minutes.
- Standard Scoring Instructions:
- Step 1: Reverse-code the positively valenced / culturally open items: Item 4, Item 7, and Item 9 (so that 1 = 5, 2 = 4, 3 = 3, 4 = 2, 5 = 1).
- Step 2: In the classic 15-item operational metric described by Neuliep and McCroskey (1997, 2002), filler items (e.g., Items 3, 6, 12, 15, 16, 17, 19 in certain research versions) are excluded from the final sum score.
- Step 3: Sum the remaining items to generate a composite Generalized Ethnocentrism score.
- Score Range: For the standard 15-scored item structure, theoretical total scores range from 15 to 75.
- Score Interpretation:
- Scores < 30: Low ethnocentrism (high intercultural openness, cultural relativism, and adaptability).
- Scores between 30 and 50: Moderate/balanced ethnocentrism (normative identification with in-group; modest out-group evaluation).
- Scores > 50: High ethnocentrism (pronounced in-group favoritism, moral chauvinism, out-group devaluation, and potential communicative resistance).
Permissions & Fee and Test Year
The Generalized Ethnocentrism Scale was formally published in 1997 by James W. Neuliep and James C. McCroskey, with subsequent normative data and construct refinements published by Neuliep in 2002.
The scale was placed in the public domain for non-commercial scholarly and educational research by the authors. Researchers, university faculty, clinicians, and educators may freely administer and utilize the GENE scale without payment of licensing fees or formal written permission, provided that full academic citation and attribution are given to Neuliep and McCroskey (1997) and Neuliep (2002). Commercial organizations seeking to incorporate the instrument into proprietary commercial diagnostics or fee-for-service consulting architectures should consult copyright holders and institutional publishers.
References
- Adorno, T. W., Frenkel-Brunswik, E., Levinson, D. J., & Sanford, R. N. (1950). The authoritarian personality. Harper & Row.
- Brewer, M. B. (1999). The psychology of prejudice: Ingroup love and outgroup hate? Journal of Social Issues, 55(3), 429–444. https://doi.org/10.1111/0022-4537.00126
- Gudykunst, W. B. (2005). An anxiety/uncertainty management (AUM) theory of strangers’ intercultural adaptation. In W. B. Gudykunst (Ed.), Theorizing about intercultural communication (pp. 419–457). SAGE Publications.
- Neuliep, J. W. (2002). Assessing the reliability and validity of the Generalized Ethnocentrism Scale. Journal of Intercultural Communication Research, 31(4), 201–215.
- Neuliep, J. W., Chaudhry, Z., & Defry, C. (2001). Ethnocentrism and intercultural communication apprehension in Pakistan and the United States. Communication Research Reports, 18(2), 147–157. https://doi.org/10.1080/08824090109384792
- Neuliep, J. W., Hintz, K. A., & McCroskey, J. C. (2005). The influence of ethnocentrism in organizational contexts: Perceptions of interviewee competence, satisfaction, and intercultural communication apprehension. Human Communication, 8(1), 41–56.
- Neuliep, J. W., & McCroskey, J. C. (1997). The development of a U.S. and generalized ethnocentrism scale. Communication Research Reports, 14(4), 385–398. https://doi.org/10.1080/08824099709388682
- Sumner, W. G. (1906). Folkways: A study of the sociological importance of usages, manners, customs, mores, and morals. Ginn & Company.
- Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33–47). Brooks/Cole.
- Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1986). The social identity theory of intergroup behavior. In S. Worchel & W. G. Austin (Eds.), Psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 7–24). Nelson-Hall.
Items of the Scale
Response Scale:
1 = Strongly Disagree
2 = Disagree
3 = Neutral
4 = Agree
5 = Strongly Agree
- Most other cultures are backward compared to my culture.
- My culture should be the role model for other cultures.
- People from other cultures act strange when they come to my culture.
- Lifestyles in other cultures are just as valid as those in my culture.
- Other cultures should try to be more like my culture.
- I am not interested in the values and customs of other cultures.
- People in my culture could learn a lot from people in other cultures.
- Most people from other cultures just don’t know what’s good for them.
- I respect the values and customs of other cultures.
- Other cultures are smart to look up to our culture.
- Most people would be happier if they lived like people in my culture.
- I have many friends from different cultures.
- People in my culture have just about the best lifestyles of anywhere.
- Lifestyles in other cultures are not as valid as those in my culture.
- I am very interested in the values and customs of other cultures.
- I apply my values when judging people who are different.
- I see people who are similar to me as virtuous.
- I do not cooperate with people who are different.
- Most people in my culture just don’t know what is good for them.
- I do not trust people who are different.
- I dislike interacting with people from different cultures.
- I have little respect for the values and customs of other cultures.